By Sharon Armon-Lotem, Gabi Danon, Susan Rothstein
This quantity provides a suite of in particular commissioned papers dedicated to interpreting the linguistics of contemporary Hebrew from a couple of views. a variety of points of recent Hebrew grammar are mentioned together with the constitution of the lexicon, grammatical positive factors and inflectional morphology, in addition to the grammaticalization of semantic and pragmatic differences. The psycholinguistic concerns addressed contain the purchase of morphological wisdom, the pro-drop parameter and query formation, in addition to language use in hearing-impaired local audio system. the gathering of those papers jointly in one quantity permits those phenomena to be thought of no longer in isolation yet within the context of the grammatical process of which the language is an expression. accordingly, extra common matters attached to trendy Hebrew start to emerge, comparable to the position of the inflectional morphological process within the grammar, and a wealthy set of proof and analyses proper for plenty of comparable concerns are made to be had to the reader.
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Additional resources for Current Issues in Generative Hebrew Linguistics (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)
Note that the relations in a paradigm are determined by the active faithfulness constraints, which can be of different types. That is, a paradigm may provide evidence for, say, an IO relation with respect to one phenomenon and an OO for another (same for directionality). However, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, I assume one type of relation within a paradigm. Outi Bat-El In the ensuing subsections, I argue that V–Ø alternation provides evidence for the following morphological relations in Hebrew inflectional paradigms: Nouns Verbs, adjectives, and participles Input Input lexical base lexical base Outputi free stem Outputj stem + suffix Outputi free stem Outputj stem + suffix Figure 3.
Corresponding phonological properties in Tiberian and Modern Hebrew. Due to these mergers, Modern Hebrew paradigms that correspond to those in table (5) are opaque. The learner of Hebrew is faced with the following types of stem allomorphs (C is any consonant and G is a guttural). Table 6. Neutralization in stem allomorphy Free stem a. b. c. d. CaCVC CCVC sabál ʔagám zakán kfár “porter” “lake” “beard” “village” Bound stem CaCVCCCVC- sabal-ím ʔagam-ím zkan-ím kfar-ím Historical source CaCiCiV:C Ga:CV:C Cia:CV:C(Ci G) CәCV:C Outi Bat-El The only secured conclusion the learner can reach is that CaCVC stems with an initial historical guttural do not exhibit V–Ø alternation (b in table (6)), assuming, for the sake of argument, that the historical gutturals are identifiable (see Faust 2006).
No other vowel except e and a participates in this alternation, and no other position beyond those mentioned above exhibits V–Ø alternation. Table 1. sg”), and no alternation in the final stem syllable. pl”). I claim that the latter type of nouns is not exceptional with regard to a–Ø alternation because (i) the number of nouns displaying V–Ø alternations is much smaller than that which does not, and (ii) the type-frequency of nouns exhibiting a–Ø alternation is significantly lower than that of adjectives and participles.
Current Issues in Generative Hebrew Linguistics (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today) by Sharon Armon-Lotem, Gabi Danon, Susan Rothstein